Why in News?
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) occupied central place in India’s security and development both. Also, India occupied central position in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and considered as the ‘First Responder’ to any development in this region. Some recent developments have brought into focus India’s challenges in this region as well as India’s ever-evolving strategy to address these challenges.
First, China’s rising strategic footprints in the IOR raises new concerns. The latest in the series of Chinese initiatives is the understanding between China and Bangladesh on the development of Mongla port of Bangladesh by China as well as trilateral connectivity project between these two nations and Myanmar. Both these initiatives enhance China’s presence in the IOR. This understanding was reached during Bangladesh’ PM Tarique Rahman visit to China in June, 2026.
Second, the US- Iran conflict has displayed the vulnerability of chokepoints of Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The Hormuz Strait was blocked by both the US and Iran during the war impacting India’s energy security. Also, during this conflict, American submarine destroyed Iranian naval frigate IRIS Dena on 04 March, 2026 near Sri Lanka coastal waters. The IRIS Dena was returning from India after participating in multilateral MILAN naval exercises held by India in march, 2026. This event raised security concerns in India.
Third, in order to bolster India’s maritime strategy in the IOR, the India PM visited Seychelles on 27-29 June, 2026 and among other things agreed to move ahead for cooperation in defence and security in the region. PM Modi announced the delivery of a maritime patrol vessel named PS Lespwar, along with six ambulances, 10 utility vehicles, and five laser radial boats to support local security and infrastructure. Indian Naval Ships (INS) and Coast Guard vessels regularly dock at Port Victoria for operational deployments and joint training exercises. This is in addition to other Indian initiatives in the region.
In March, 2025, Indian PM Modi visited Mauritius and during this visit launched a new regional initiative known as MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions). This initiative envisages cooperation between different ocean regions for security and growth. In a way, it is the extension of the earlier Initiative called SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region), which was also launched from Mauritius in 2015. The basic difference between the two initiatives is that while SAGAR focuses on security and growth in the IOR, the MAHASAGAR focuses on collaboration between different regions for security and growth.
These developments bring in focus the issue of security challenges in the IOR and Indian strategy to address these challenges. This is the main theme of this article.
Significance of IOR
The 19th century American maritime strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan remarked, ‘Whoever controls the Indian Ocean dominates Asia. This ocean is the key to the seven seas in the twenty-first century, the destiny of the world will be decided in these waters’. His prophecy appears to be true in 21st century, marked by increasing globalization, which involves increasing trade and investment and global supply chains across nations and regions of the world. This in turn involves rising importance of maritime transport and navigation. This is true with all oceans, why only the Indian Ocean? As the locus of global economy shifts from the West to the East, the Indian Ocean has assumed added salience because it is the only viable maritime link between the two.
The Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world after the Pacific and the Atlantic. It covers an area of 73.5 million kms and occupies approximately 20 percent of the Earth’s sea surface. It is bounded to the north by the Indian subcontinent; to the west and northwest by the east African coast and Arabian Peninsula, respectively; to the east by Thailand, the Malay Peninsula, Indonesia, and Australia; and to the south by the oceanic margin with the Southern Ocean. The India Ocean Region (IOR) is bounded by 38 countries, which account 37 percent of the global population but merely 10 percent of global output. This gives much scope for growth and development (Michel and Russell: 2012).
The economic and strategic importance of the IOR is equally significant. The IOR is rich in mineral and other natural resources. It contains two thirds of the world’s proven offshore oil reserves, one third of the world’s natural gas, 90 per cent of the world’s diamonds, 60 per cent of the world’s uranium and 40 per cent of the world’s gold, making it potentially the single largest area of exploitable wealth in the world. An estimated 40 per cent of the world’s offshore oil production comes from the Indian Ocean. (UNI Assignment: Retrieved 2021). The discovery of polymetallic nodules in the seabed of the ocean has evinced keen interests from the nations including India. The IOR is also important for global trade and energy supply as the key Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) pass through the Indian Ocean and its choke points. The Choke points are the narrow SLOCs located either in the Indian Ocean or link it with other water bodies. The Indian Ocean has seven important choke points, which enhance her strategic significance. They are the Mozambique Channel, the Bab el Mandeb, the Suez Canal, and the Strait of Hormuz in the Western end and the Malacca Straits, the Sunda Strait, and the Lombok Strait in the Eastern end of the Indian Ocean. While Hormuz Strait links the Arabian Sea (a part of the Indian Ocean) with Persian Gulf, The Bab el Mandeb links the Gulf of Aden to the Red Sea, which in turn is linked to the Mediterranean Sea by the Suez Canal. The Mozambique Channel lies between the Madagascar and Mozambique Coast in South-East Africa. At the Eastern end, the Malacca Strait links the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea; Sunda Strait and Lombok Strait link both the Indian Ocean to Java Sea (apart of the Indian Ocean). The IOR is crisscrossed by shipping lanes that run from east to west, which over 100000 ships transit each year, carrying two thirds of hydrocarbons, one third bulk cargo and half of the world’s container traffic. Seaborne access/exit to or from the ocean is through the above choke points. These choke points being easily accessible from adjoining land territories, shipping traffic is most vulnerable during such transit (Kumar: Retrieved 2021). The maritime transport across the Indian Ocean is both facilitated and potentially constrained by chokepoints. That is why the IOR now features more prominently in the geopolitical interests and commercial calculations of extra-regional powers such as the US, the European Union nations, Japan, and China, apart from other regional states and non-state actors influencing the affairs in the Indian Ocean.
India and the Indian Ocean
The Indian Ocean evokes historical and mythological imagination across India as it has a part of Indian life for centuries. The very name of this Ocean as ‘Indian Ocean’ underlines India’s close association with it. India considers Indian Ocean as its backyard and has been a net security provider in the IOR for decades. The IOR holds crucial strategic and economic importance for India. The security of India’s 7500 kms coast line and overseas territories like, Lakshadweep, Diu and Dadra Nagar Haveli in the West and Andaman Nicobar Islands in the East is contingent on the peace and stability in the IOR. India’s entire maritime trade, constituting 45 percent of her GDP in value terms, passes through the IOR. Also, India’s 75 percent energy supply comes through Indian Ocean. The security of Sea Lane of Communications (SLOCs) is crucial for India’s growth and security both. India needs the protection and sustainable of marine resources in the territorial waters, Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), and beyond. The IOR is abundant in oil, gas and other minerals as well as living marine resources. Fishing in the Indian Ocean now accounts for almost 15percent of the world’s total output. The discovery of polymetallic nodules in the sea bed of the Ocean has evoked keen interest among nations including India. The coastal sands in India contain light heavy minerals like limonite, rutile, garnet, zircon, monazite and sillimanite. A combination of favourable factors like the hinterland geology, coastal geomorphology, sub-tropical to tropical climate and intricate network of drainage, aided by wind and coastal processes like waves and currents, have influenced the formation of beach and adjoining dune sands. The heavy mineral assemblage varies widely from near mono-mineralic as near Ratnagiri in Maharastra to multi-mineral suite in Kerala Coast (Ali, M.A. et al: 2001).
With rising economy, India has developed close strategic and economic partnership with ASEAN and other East Asian Countries in the East and Saudi Arabia, UAE, Iran and Israel in the West. Under her 1991 Look East policy, now called ‘Act East Policy’. India has also expanded the role of her navy to cover Pacific Ocean under her new Maritime Strategy declared in 2004 in order to secure her vital strategic and economic interests across the Indo-Pacific Ocean. India’s energy supply sources largely lie in the western part of the Indian Ocean In nutshell, India’s rising status has also expanded her strategic and economic interests in the past three decades. And the IOR is crucial for the realization and protection of these interests. India needs peace and stability in the IOR region for her security development and progress.
India’s Challenges in the IOR
Broadly, India’s challenges in the IOR are two-fold:
A. The Traditional Threats: Chinese strategic Inroads in the IOR: The traditional security threats arise from the activities and strategic influence of external powers like the US, China, Britain, France, Japan, Australia, among others. India faced such threats from the US during the 1971 Indo-Pak war when the US threatened India with deployment of 7th fleet in the Indian Ocean. India navigated this threat by signing pierce and friendship treaty with Soviet Union in 1971. But now India has developed strategic understanding and partnership with these powers except China. Hence China and its growing footprint in the Indian Ocean Region remain the most potential source of traditional threats in this region.
China is also is rising power and harbours global ambition. China’s grand strategy called China’s Dream’ floated in 2012 by Xi Jinping aims at placing China as global power by the year 20149 when China completes 100 years of its communist revolution. With rapid economic growth over a period of four decades since economic liberalization in 1978, China has emerged as the second largest economy with GHDP of $14 trillion. China‘s defence modernization has kept pace with her economic growth. China’s military spending has been increasing with double digit annual growth for a decade till 2015 and nearly 6-7 percent thereafter. .For the year 2021China has proposed a defence budget of $ 209 billion (three times higher than India) with focus on capacity building in three areas: naval forces, rocket forces and strategic support forces including cyber warfare.
China has made deep strategic inroads in the Indian Ocean in recent years. China’s BRI, launched in 2013 is nothing but the benign version of her earlier strategy of ‘String of Pearls’ implemented in 1990s to encircle India, The Maritime Silk Route (MSR), as a part of $1 trillion BRI, passes through the IOR and its littorals. It aims to develop port and other infrastructure facilities in the countries of the located in the IOR. The BRI heralds the beginning of China’s growing strategic influence in the IOR. China has implemented this strategy with vigour and zeal in recent years. China is trying to build a network of ports and other connectivity as well as economic infrastructure in India’s neighbouring littoral States like Gwadar (Pakistan), Myanmar (Kyaukphyu port), Bangladesh (Chittagong) , Sri Lanka (Humbantota port), and Maldives. China has established her first overseas naval base in Djibouti and is revitalizing port facilities in Mombasa, Dar-e-Salam and Bagamoyo on the East Coast of Africa. Beijing appears intent on creating a Chinese trade-corridor in the Indian Ocean. This perception may get strengthened in view of traditional tensions between the two and China’s close relations with Pakistan. China is implementing CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) project with Pakistan, which links China’s Kashgar town in Xinjhiang province with Gwadar port in Pakistan. The CPEC passes through POK, which is claimed by India. China has protested to CPEC on the ground that it does not respect the territorial sovereignty of India. China’s strategic outreach is accompanied by her close trade, commerce, defence and cultural ties with the littoral states of the IOR like Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. Maldives, Pakistan, Iran and others.
Chinese strategic forays in the IOR have raised security concerns in India, due to tense background of relationship. It is also true that China considers India’s reach to ASEAN region as challenge to her interests in her backyard (Western Pacific) in the same manner as India considers Chinese recent strategic forays in Indian Ocean as encroachment in her backyard (Indian Ocean). While declared objective of Chinese strategy is to secure her energy supply and get refueling facilities many observers like Iskandar Rehman (2010) do not rule out the military use of these facilities for Chinese navy in future. The strategic rivalry between India and China is heating up in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Chinese navy is present in the Arabian Sea since 2007 in the name of providing maritime security. Chinese submarines were sighted in Colombo in 2014. In view of these facts, Kaplan, Robert (2011), Mohan Malik (2012), and C. Raja Mohan (2013) have predicted the intensification of maritime rivalry between India and China in IOR/ Pacific Ocean due to their overlapping interests and conflicting ambitions. Malik argues, ‘And both remain suspicious of each other’s long-term agenda and intentions. Each perceives the other as pursuing hegemony and entertaining imperial ambitions. Both are non–status quo powers: China in terms of territory, power, and influence; India in terms of status, power, and influence. Both seek to expand their power and influence in and beyond their regions at each other’s expense. China’s “Malacca paranoia” is matched by India’s “Hormuz dilemma.” C. Raja Mohan (2013), using the ancient Indian mythological narrative of ‘Samudramanthan’ (Churning of Ocean by demons and gods and subsequent fight between them over the distribution of booty, in which gods were helped by the Super God Vishnu), he argues that there is inherent clash of interest between India (gods) and China (demons) and the US (Vishnu) will help India. Thus, in the present context, Chinese strategic assertiveness in the IOR is the main threat faced by India.
B. Non-Traditional Security Threats: The IOR also face s man y non-traditional security threats like piracy, maritime terrorism, climate change, illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, illegal immigration, and smuggling of arms and drugs. These threats, such as rise in sea levels, ocean acidification and unregulated fishing are not merely environmental threats, but are security threats as well. These threats are compounding at a high rate and negligence of the same possibly will result in a catastrophe that may not only affect the political economy of Indian Ocean littoral nations, but also of the global economy. This is essentially because Indian Ocean caters as the trade arteries of global trade, as more than 80percent of global energy trade passing over the region (Aswani:2020). Piracy has posed a serious threat to maritime transport. There are two piracy prone areas in Indian Ocean: Gulf of Aden and Malacca Strait. Though the incidence of piracy has considerably reduced in and around Strait of Malacca due to joint patrolling and effective deployment of navies in this region, the piracy in the Gulf of Aden region off Somali Coast continues to be a matter of concern for India and other countries. It should be noted that the maritime security of territorial waters is the responsibility of concerned state under the Law of Sea Convention of 1982. However, due to political instability of Somalia, the UN has permitted other navies to operate in the region to check the incidence of piracy. At present, naval ships of China, US, Japan and India are deployed in the region to control the piracy. Indian Navy has deployed one warship continuously in this region since October 2008 to check the incidence of piracy. During 2008-12, 1800 merchant ships of various countries have been safely escorted by Indian navy (Annual Report of Ministry of Defence: 2011-12). The maritime terrorism is also emerging a new challenge. Way back in 1988, armed mercenaries attacked the Maldives, which was saved by Indian defence forces on the request of Maldives. The LTTE has also been using maritime resources for launching insurgent activities in Sri Lanka. In 2008, Pakistan originated terrorists came through the waters of the Arabian Sea and launched terrorist attack at the Taj Hotel in Mumbai. If not guarded, we cannot rule out such events in future also. The waters of the Indian Ocean are also used for the illegal supply of arms, contraband and drug trafficking by the organized criminal gangs.
The fishing and other marine resources of the IOR are also bone of contention among the littoral states. India has witnessed frequent fishing rights disputes with Sri Lanka and Pakistan in the western part of the IOR. The Climate change and the rising sea level have posed a new threat for the coastal regions. The Island States of the IOR like Maldives and Mauritius are constantly worried about the rising sea level. The natural disasters like Tsunami and frequent cyclone the Bay of Bengal as well as Arabian Sea pose addition challenge for the states in the region. India faces regular destruction caused by such natural disasters on regular basis.
India’s Regional maritime Strategy
India’s Maritime Strategy aims at securing and promoting India’s strategic and economic interests in the IOR by addressing the traditional and non-traditions challenges in the region. India’s maritime strategy is largely contained in the three documents released by the Integrated Headquarters of Ministry of Defence (Navy), Government of India: Indian Maritime Doctrine, 2004; Indian Maritime strategy, 2007; and Indian Maritime Doctrine, 2009 and the latest maritime strategy document ‘Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy, released in 2015 by the Indian Navy provides a renewed focus on India’s Maritime Security needs in the Indian Ocean Region. As seen through its operation, India’s maritime strategy has three dimensions. National, Regional and Global dimension.
A. The national dimension of the maritime strategy focuses on enhancement of the capability and role of India’s defence forces to enable it to address contemporary challenges. With the changing nature of India’s maritime interests both in terms of geographical space and range of activities, the role of Indian navy has also undergone sea change. As per the latest version of Indian Maritime Doctrine (2009), the operational area of Indian navy ranges from the Gulf of Aden in the West to the Strait of Malacca in the East and beyond. Thus, it covers the entire spread of Indian Ocean. It is no more confined to protection of India’s territorial waters or Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). India’s naval forces are assigned full range of operations ranging from ‘high intensity war fighting at one end to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operation at the other end. India has also made serious efforts to develop defence capabilities in the field of aircraft careers, jets and missiles and warships. India is trying to develop indigenous capability in these areas.
B. The regional dimensions of the Maritime strategy is primarily concerned with evolve a viable maritime security environment with the cooperation of regional actors like Sri Lanka, Maldives, Seychelles, Mauritius, Bangladesh, Myanmar, better domain awareness and monitoring of sea so that peace and stability is established in the IOR region.
C. The global dimension of maritime strategy is concerned with developing strategic partnership with global players to ensure a rul- based order in the IOR and the entire Indo-pacific region. At present, The QUAD (Quadrilateral Security consultation), a strategic mechanism among four countries-India, the US, Australia and Japan- is a major tool of India’s global maritime strategy. It aims at to ensure a free, open, and inclusive and rule -based order in the Indo-Pacific region. IOR is a part of the larger Indo-pacific region. The first Qaud summit as held on 12 March, 2021 in virtual mode, where apex leaders of four member countries reiterated their resolve to promote cooperation to achieve its objectives. India has also signed strategic vision documents with France and Britain to ensure peace and stability in the region.
India’s Regional Maritime Strategy has following components:
1. Cooperation and Partnership with Regional Littoral States
India has been trying to develop close defence ties with the regional littoral states like Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles, among others. In Sri Lanka, India faces an uphill task because of strong China’s strong strategic presence in the region. In 2017, China has taken Humbantota Port from Sri Lanka on 99 -year lease. China is also running many strategic infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka including Colombo Port City Project. During the first Rajpaksha government (2005-15), Sri Lanka and China developed strategic ties. The second Rajpaksha regime is also following the same policy. In February, 2021, Sri Lanka has cancelled the East Container Terminal project of Colombo port which was awarded to India and Japan through an agreement signed 2019. The observers feel that Sri Lanka cancelled this project under the Chinese pressure.
The Indian Prime Minister made a historic visit in March, 2015 to three countries: Sri Lanka, Seychelles and maturities to strengthen strategic cooperation. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s official visit to Seychelles was the first Prime Ministerial level visit from India in 34 years. Both countries assigned four Agreements: Renewable Energy Cooperation; MOU for Cooperation in the field of Hydrography; Protocol on Sale of Navigational Charts / Electronic Navigational Charts; Agreement on the Development of Facilities on Assumption Island. The Assumption Island located in the IOR hold crucial importance in the maritime security in the region. Besides the prime Minister also inaugurated the Coastal Surveillance Radar System (CSRS) Project, made announcement for the gifting of a second Dornier aircraft to Seychelles and 3-month gratis visa for Seychelles nationals for travel to India. (MEA: 2021).
Mauritius is another strategically located country in the IOR. India has been trying to develop strategic partnership with Mauritius. The large Indian Diaspora in this country facilitates India’s efforts. During Indian PM’s visit in 2015, both countries have agreed for India developing infrastructure facilities mainly air and sea transport facilities on the Agaléga Islands of Mauritius. The Mauritian government is eager for India to continue routing its money through Mauritius, as it represents the nation’s largest source of foreign direct investment. New Delhi can use this to India’s advantage to gain logistical assistance from Mauritius as well (Gosh: 2020)
China was also successful in making strategic inroads in Maldives during Yameen regime (2012-2018), but the new government led Maldivian Democratic Party has been following pro India policies. The economic and defence relations have improved in last three years. The Indian Prime Minister Modi has visited two times in 2018 and 2019 to cement bilateral ties. During the visit, both countries signed 6 agreements, which also include cooperation in the field of maritime security and capacity building. The agreements are: MoU on cooperation in the field of Hydrography; MoU on cooperation in the field of Health; MoU on establishment of Passenger cum Cargo service by sea; MoU for cooperation in Customs’ capacity building; MoU between Maldives Civil Service Commission and NCGG, Mussourie; and Technical Agreement on exchange of White Shipping Information between the Navies of the two countries. A Coastal Surveillance Radar System was also inaugurated during this visit (MEA: 2021).
2. Domain Awareness: The awareness about maritime domain is an important aspect for success of maritime strategy. The real time information about activities and movement in the IOR helps in effective implementation of maritime strategy. The India Navy has launched the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) in 2018 for this purpose. The IFC-IOR has been established at Gurugram along with the Information Management and Analysis Centre. The IFC-IOR aims at strengthening maritime security in the region and beyond, by building a common coherent maritime situation picture and acting as a maritime information hub for the region. Establishment of IFC- IOR would ensure that the entire region is benefitted by mutual collaboration and exchange of information and understanding the concerns and threats which are prevalent in the region (Indian Navy: 2021).
3. Capacity Building: India is the net security provider in the IOR. One other important aspect of India’s Regional maritime strategy is to enhance capacity of the; littoral states to address the challenges in the IOR region in the field of search and rescue operation, disaster management, ocean reconnaissance, information sharing etc. India has initiated training programmes for the defence personnel from the littoral countries for this purpose. India also supplies instruments like Radars and other facilities for such capacity building. : India has installed Radar facilities in Maldives. Seychelles and Mauritius.
4. Policy and Institutional Framework: India has put in place policy and institutions in order to give coherence and vision to its maritime strategy in the IOR. During his visit to Mauritius in 2015, the Indian PM announced India’s SAGAR initiative, which stands for Security and Growth for All in the Region. It aims at safeguarding India’s maritime interests and promotion of cooperation among the littoral state and creating an environment of peace and stability in the IOR. It represents a nexus of maritime cooperation, maritime security, along with sustainable economic development (Kanodia:2020).More specifically it strives for Enhancement of maritime security; Capacity Building through cooperation for smooth facilitation of economic trade and maritime security; promoting collective vision to deal with natural disasters and maritime threats like piracy, terrorism and emergent non-state actors; and Working towards sustainable regional development through enhanced collaboration. It was further extended by MAHASAGAR initiative in 2025.
The Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), established in 2008 by the Indian Navy, is another regional mechanism for promoting India’s maritime interest in the IOR. It acts as a forum for increase maritime security cooperation, providing a forum for discussion of regional maritime issues and promotes friendly relationships among the member nations. India-Sri Lanka –Maldives is a trilateral forum to promote maritime cooperation among the three countries.
Conclusion:
The IOR holds important place in India’s security and growth. India has been a net security provider and leading actor in the IOR. The peace and stability in the IOR are the precondition for India security and development. Due to the strategic and economic significance of the Indian Ocean, the extra-regional powers have evinced keen interest in the region. In the present context, China has made deep economic and strategic inroad in the IOR through her mega programmes like BRI, special ties with Pakistan and strategic partnership with another countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Maldives. In view of India’s rising tensions with China, India is facing security challenge posed by China in the IOR. India too has regional and global ambitions. Besides, the non-traditional security threats like piracy, maritime terrorism, natural disaster and climate change require additional attention. Thus, India does not have any option than to effectively address the challenges posed by China to protect her vital strategic and economic interests in the IOR. India’s strategy has national regional and global dimensions. Under its regional component, India has been promoting maritime cooperation with littoral states like Sri Lanka, Maldives Mauritius, and Seychelles among others. In addition, India places importance on domain awareness and capacity building in the region to face the diverse threats. India faces tough challenge from China which has better economic resources and has evolved a network of trade, investment and connectivity in the region. In view of this, India needs to bolster her own defence capability and strengthen bilateral and multilateral cooperation among littoral states to ensure peace and stability in the IOR.
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